In this article, I will begin by asking a critical question: from colonial life in the 1930s to the present day in 2025, Karamoja has been treated as a “special case”, yet progress remains minimal. What could be the problem? Mamdani, as cited in Kabiito (2021), mentioned that in order to make Karamoja as progressive as other regions of Uganda, various special programs were created and implemented as early as the 1940s. For instance, in 1948, colonialists designed and launched the Karamoja Cattle Scheme (KCS). Meyerson (2024) argued that special programs like the KCS during the colonial era resulted in the establishment of a meat packaging plant in Namalu, as well as the introduction of auction days for selling thousands of livestock.
However, evidence suggests that the Namalu meat packing plant was not successful, while other programs, such as selling livestock on auction days, were. A key issue that arises is that despite people continuously selling livestock on auction days, they still struggle in all aspects of life. The question remains: why?
Meyerson (2024) further explains that even after Uganda gained independence, Karamoja was considered as a “special case” and was governed under the 1964 Karamoja Act. This Act stipulated that instead of participating in democratic local governance like other Ugandans, the people of Karamoja would be under the direct, control of a district administrator appointed by the central government for at least three years. The purpose of the 1964 Act was to address the “Karamoja problem.”
The National Resistance Movement (NRM) government also realized that in order to bring development to Karamoja, the “special status syndrome” was necessary. They established the Karamoja Development Agency (KDA) by Statute 4 of 1987, which ushered in the present state-led development programs in the region. KDA focused on transforming the Karimojong people by diversifying and improving their mode of production, enhancing facilities for social services in the region, and coordinating all developmental projects in the area (Karamoja Development Agency Statute, 1987). However, KDA yielded frustrating results (Otim, 2004).
Furthermore, in order to reinforce the special status syndrome in Karamoja, some technocrats introduced and defined Karamoja as a “Hard to Reach” area. This term is used by certain officials in the government, the donor community, and NGOs to characterize areas that experience low development and inadequate service delivery by the state and other actors (Mwangu, undated). The term “hard to reach” not only designates the Karamoja region but also results in benefits such as “hard to reach allowances.” The question that arises is: despite the special treatment of Karamoja, why does the region continue to face challenges?
Ayub Mukisa (PhD)
Executive Director-Karamoja Anti Corruption Coalition (KACC)
Email: ayubmukisa@gmail.com
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